Filed under: Uncategorized | Tags: 2010-11 ENTRIES FOR THE TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO AGRICULTURAL JOURNALISM AWARD
RUQAYYAH THOMPSON
‘Propensity to Import’
Globalisation is a process propelled by trade and technology. It has led to the creation of international trade and financial organisations such as the World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund. These institutions have created new patterns of production and consumption, and have produced a global food system.
The global food system has changed the mode of production in many places. It has converted subsistence farms to large-scale commercial farms. Subsistence farming which involves the production of a variety of crops to feed a household, has been abandoned in many regions of the world. Nowadays, commercial farming of monocrops such as corn and wheat, which rely on external inputs and markets, dominate the world’s agricultural landscape (Potter 2004).
In Trinidad, large scale commercial farming started during the period of colonisation, where labour was imported into the Caribbean to support plantations. After colonialism, agriculture still remained a vibrant industry. But today, agriculture in Trinidad is at an all time low. The shift away from agriculture and towards manufacturing began after the oil boom of the late 1970s. Industries were set up to achieve import substitution, according to which materials were imported and simply processed or assembled here, then exported. Heavy importation of goods have continued and have accelerated over time.
Today, the supermarket shelves are flooded with imported goods, from canned and bottled products to meats, cheeses, fruits and vegetables. Foreign produce is sold even at local markets. But how do consumers decide where to shop or what to buy? Have they embraced the slogan “buy local” coined in an age of national self-discovery, under Dr. Eric Williams’s PNM government? Or are they already too attached and dependent on foreign imports?
I conducted interviews at both the Tunapuna market and Hi-Lo supermarket, which generated insights into the world of consumption in Trinidad. All customers at the supermarket stated that they chose to shop there because of time constraints. They felt that it was an ‘all-in-one’ stop, where they could purchase not only vegetables and fruits but other items they required. A young man added that he shopped at the supermarket because it was more convenient for him to buy chicken that was already cleaned, cut and seasoned, saving him time. A female respondent took it a step beyond convenience to say that there was ‘better parking at the supermarket and people not touching yuh’ while she shopped.
By contrast, all the customers at the market said that they chose to shop there because the produce was fresher than at the supermarket. Some also said that it was less expensive than the supermarket. Another young man argued that since the produce sold at Tunapuna retail market is bought daily at the Macoya wholesale market, the food is less-travelled and therefore fresher. He added that at the supermarket the produce is kept refrigerated so ‘yuh doh even know how long it dey.’ A woman interviewed at the supermarket also complained about the quality of the produce available at Hi-Lo. She related an incident to me in which she was attempting to buy string beans, when she noticed almost an entire pack of the product rotten. She drew the attention of a worker to it, who replied, ‘diez all we have.’ My attempts to speak to the manager on more than one occasion proved futile, but fortunately I encountered a customer who was also a worker at another branch of Hi-Lo. She informed me that there is often a backlog of produce in the supermarket, and that some ‘fresh’ produce may stay up to two weeks in cold storage before it reaches the shelves for customers to purchase.
The majority of people interviewed at the market also a made a clear distinction between what they purchased at the market and what they bought at the supermarket. They indicated that the market was where they bought vegetables, fruits and meat, and that the supermarket was for buying other foodstuffs which could not be purchased at the market. Market customers mentioned a long list of items that they would normally purchase which included: provisions, green figs, callaloo bush, potatoes, plantains, tomatoes, peppers, bananas, garlic and seasoning such as chives, celery and parsley. Supermarket customers were much more conservative in stating what they purchased. Most did not identify specific items but stated that they purchased vegetables, fruits, meat, according to one young woman, ‘everything really.’
Customers at both locations said that they were health-conscious, and it is on this basis that they decided what to buy. A number of customers at the market also said that they decided what to buy based on price. One gentleman told me that he walked up and down the market until he got plantains to buy at $4/lb. Other people suggested that they bought what looked better. I found out that they associated what looked better, with better taste. Vendors also agreed that customers decided what to buy based on price and quality. A fruit vendor informed me that many people who buy fruits tell him, ‘the doctor send meh.’
A number of customers at the market were aware of the place of origin of the produce they consumed. Some indicated that they knew where the products they bought came from because they were told by the vendors who they normally purchased items from. Vendors stated that the large majority of their customers were regulars. So there appears to be a relationship between vendor and customer that goes beyond the vendor selling and the customer buying. I was informed that a large amount of provisions came from other Caribbean islands such as St. Vincent. Vendors indicated that apples and grapes were from Chile, carrots form Costa Rica and onions from the US to name a few imported products. At the supermarket, some customers were less aware of the origin of the produce. One woman said, ‘not from Trinidad?’ and another, ‘is not home gardening?’
Most customers interviewed showed no real interest in what was local as opposed to what was imported, so this did not influence what they purchased. However, some customers told me about their specific preferences. A woman related to me that she did not buy local lettuce, and she only bought foreign lettuce at the supermarket because the local lettuce has too much chemicals which sometimes produce a strong, offensive smell. An interviewee at the market also complained about the use of chemicals. He said that he was a Toco boy, that he knew real food and that today the food produced has ‘no love’ in it. Meanwhile, others condoned some foreign goods. A lady asked me ‘have yuh ever been to the US, and taste ah banana?’, I replied that I did not, she said, ‘well it have no taste and I much prefer local bananas, we used to have them in the yard.’
A range of foods were indicated as being eaten regularly. A young customer at the supermarket said that she ate a lot of fast food because she did not have the time to prepare meals. Other foods eaten regularly included: rice, provisions, chicken, fruits and vegetables. However, aged customers asserted that most definitely there was a big difference in what they consumed today, and what they consumed when they were younger. They pointed out that when they were younger they ate more provisions, roti and saltfish and much less chicken. Chicken they said was reserved for Sunday lunch and special occasions. However, today chicken is cheaper than most other meats. It is mass-produced in a much shorter time period, and so has become widely available. One man at the market pointed out that saltfish was now too expensive to purchase, so he buys chicken. An aged couple informed me that they did not eat chicken every day, but that their children had to have it.
The majority of customers at both locations stated that they shopped at their place of preference because of the choices available there. Indeed, globalisation has expanded the choices available to Trinidadians. But as Mintz (1985) points out, the freedom to choose is within a fixed range of possibilities. Very often when Trinidadians do choose, their preference is the imported product. The slogan ‘buy local’ has been neglected, as the country has gone in the opposite direction of favoring local products, and has adopted the propensity to import.
While food is definitely a part of Trini culture, many Trinidadians are no longer attached to the land for food production. Thus, for most people a dish such as oil down or pelau will be local, whether or not the breadfruit and rice used in its preparation are locally grown, or produced elsewhere. What makes the dish local then? Perhaps because it has been cooked by a Trinidadian, or maybe because it has been prepared in Trinidad over a long period of time by its people, or because it was first cooked here.
The findings of this study are similar to my opinions and experiences because I am aware of the country’s declining agricultural sector, and that a large quantity of goods are imported. I am also aware of the struggles that farmers face, and of the lack of investment made in agriculture on the part of the government to assist in the development of the sector. I believe that the most important aspect of being an independent state is to be able to feed one’s own population. Therefore, the agricultural sector must be re-vitalized and many scholars in the field have put forward ways to do so. The government must acknowledge these suggestions and like we Trinis say, ‘pick it up and run with it.’
KARINA ALI
PLANTATION ECONOMIES AND THE ‘PLANTION LEGACY’ IN PRESENT-DAY CARIBBEAN SOCIETIES.
When Christopher Columbus re-discovered the West Indies in 1492, this represented the beginning of the first wave of European immigration into the West Indies. The Spanish were the first consignment of European settlers and they introduced the colonial system. In this system, the European country was the Mother Country or the metropole and the West Indian island was the colony or hinterland. The colony only served the purpose of supplying the Mother Country with resources, mainly agricultural products. This was done by transforming subsistence agriculture practiced by the indigenous groups into large plantations. The more colonies a European country had the more wealth and power it had. This was the main push factor encouraging European countries to come into the West Indies.
Slowly but surely, other European countries began coming into the West Indies, including Britain, France and Holland, causing the Spanish monopoly to be broken. Britain became the main colonising power in the West Indies. Agriculture was the main economic activity in the Caribbean at this time; the planters tried many crops, including cocoa, coffee, cotton and indigo, all of which failed. Sugar proved the most successful crop to cultivate in the West Indies. This was because when compared to the aforementioned crops, it required a somewhat low capital input. Also, honey was now becoming too expensive in Europe. Sugar provided a cheaper alternative. The plantations increased in size and amount and African slavery was introduced into the West Indies as the main form of labour. This was because the indigenous populations had dwindled significantly since colonialism began. With the advent of the sugar boom in the Caribbean, the colonies were now transformed socially and economically, also politically. The plantation economy continued to persist in Caribbean countries even after independence and this is known as the ‘plantation legacy’ (Best 1968). The ‘plantation legacy’ is “The legacy of institutions, structures and behaviour patterns of the plantation system are so deeply entrenched that adjustment tends to take place as an adaptation within the bounds of the established framework” (Best 1968: 32). The plantation economy and the ‘plantation legacy’ have had significant effects on the economies and societies of many Caribbean countries.
The main impact that the plantation economy and the ‘plantation legacy’ have had in Caribbean countries is on the economy. The model of a plantation economy was introduced by Lloyd Best of the University of the West Indies in collaboration with Canadian economist Kari Levitt of McGill University. It is “an historical/structural analysis of economies created by European colonization from the seventeenth century onward, primarily through the establishment of plantations” (Sudama, 1979: 66). Within the British West Indies, the metropolis or Mother Country, in this case Britain, had complete control over all trade that occurred with its colonies. The colonies were not allowed to trade with any other European country besides Britain. Also, the colonies were not allowed to produce any manufactured goods. All raw materials had to be sent from the colony to the Mother Country to be manufactured and then returned to the colony where the colonists would buy these goods at high prices. Sugar cane was grown in the Caribbean and processed into muscovado sugar, which was then shipped to Europe and manufactured into different commodities like rum. This system, whereby trade is controlled by the metropole is known as mercantilism. It ensured that the majority of wealth derived from selling raw materials went to the Mother Country and that total control rested in the hands of the European nations. According to Sudama ‘the metropole’s primary concern in the hinterland was production for export and not for local consumption’ (1979: 66-67). This connection is true for the Caribbean during the period of colonization and is known as the pure plantation economy, which covers the period from 1600 to 1838. The most productive colonies were that of Saint Domingue, now known as Haiti, for France and that of Barbados and Jamaica for Britain. Saint Domingue was regarded as the ‘Pearl of the Antilles’ for the large amounts of sugar produced from that colony on a regular basis. ‘In 1791 Saint Domingue planters exported some 163 million pounds of sugar to France. This was produced on 800 sugar plantations for an average yield of nearly 240,000 pounds…each’ (Stein 1988).
Many people believe that the mercantilist relationship between the Caribbean and Europe ceased after independence. However, ‘the relationship of the metropolis to the colony (or hinterland) and the structure of the latter’s economy which, with some modification, has persisted to the present’ (Sudama 1979: 66). This phase within the plantation economy model is known as the ‘plantation economy further modified, which runs from 1938 onwards (ibid.). Many Caribbean countries in the present are heavily dependent on European countries, the United States of America or both for trade. Mercantilism still seems to be evident in today’s society with countries practicing ‘comparative advantages’, according to which countries specialize in the production of goods that are deemed to be the best suited for them. This dependency can be traced back to the legacy of the plantation economy created primarily by European capital, the exploitation of the region’s soil and its people, and African slave labour. Insofar as it was possible, all economic activities in the region were geared toward the production of sugar and food for Europe’s expanding working classes, and raw materials for its industries, while almost everything else, including commodities for local consumption were imported from the metropolitan centers of Europe and North America’ (Rose 2002: 49). ‘Dependency theory explains underdevelopment in the Caribbean as a consequence of outside economic and political influences’ to the point where they achieve “exploited status” on the world stage’ (ibid.).
In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, it can be argued that there is a ‘dependency relationship with the new metropolis, the United States’ (Sudama 1979: 73). The conditions of this association include economic terms which are ‘postulated by the plantation economy model (re: trade, investment, technology, etc)” (ibid.). Much of Trinidad and Tobago’s food is imported from the United States, including food that could be produced locally. In turn, the United States imports large quantities of natural gas and oil from Trinidad and Tobago. Therefore, Trinidad and Tobago has a heavy dependence on foreign currency from the United States. Also, capital goods and technology are imported. This is because the country’s internal resources are not mobilized effectively. Output of local sectors are not used as inputs into the other local sectors. This is due to the restrictions implemented by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) as rules concerning debt conditionalities, resulting in a high import bill for the country. This high import bill results from the fact that local farmers are not given subsidies for their goods. This would result in imported goods being cheaper than local goods. The government would also be required to participate in free trade and open up their markets to foreign goods. One can assume that many of the local products are sold to foreign markets because it brings in much needed foreign currency into the country and also the local sector is geared towards production for export and not for local consumption.
However, the locally produced foods found within Trinidad and Tobago, such as vegetables and fruits, are cheaper than the food imported and sold in the supermarkets. The country’s agricultural system is somewhat unique to that of the Caribbean because its economy depends mainly on oil and natural gas since the country has a thriving petroleum industry. This can be compared to the bauxite industry in Jamaica. Not much emphasis has been placed on the agricultural sector until recent times. Due to the increasing food prices, there is a developing trend of returning to the land. Many households now grow their own kitchen gardens in an effort to decrease their household food bill. This is also encouraged by the new government, the People’s Partnership, which has been crusading for the returned interest to the agricultural sector.
Jamaica is another example of a Caribbean country in present day times which has a heavy reliance on a foreign country. This occurs quite subtly with the intervention of the International Monetary Fund (IMG) loans given to that in 1977. The conditions imposed upon the country by the IMF sees the dependence of Jamaica on the metropolis in an indirect way. The IMF intervenes in a country if there are balance of payment deficits. This would happen if the country’s imports exceed its exports, causing the country to be unable to repay its debts. It uses the “leverage of ‘lender of last resort’” to ensure that a ‘country with a balance of payments disequilibrium does not institute measures that constitute national barriers to international mobility of capital and commodities’ (Bernal 1984: 53). This includes ‘inconvertibility of currency, exchange controls, deferred debt payments, and tariffs and quota restrictions’ (Bernal 1984: 53). This means that the ‘accumulation of capital at a world level often impedes development in the underdeveloped countries’ (ibid.).
The IMF first entered into Jamaica in the post-independence period when Jamaica was a new nation in the eyes of the world. This resulted in Jamaica now having to incur a profound debt to the IMF and also to have an open economy. This meant that Jamaica had to trade on a global scale. Due to the fact that it is an open economy, Jamaica now has a hefty import bill, as a ‘substantial proportion of consumption is satisfied from imports’ (Bernal, 1984: 57). This has had a drastic effect on the agricultural sector. ‘In 1976, food products amounted to J$52.9 million, or 23.7 per cent of total agricultural production, while imports of food, much of which could be produced locally, totalled J$80.1 million’ (ibid.). It meant that locally produced food was more expensive than imported food. This resulted in many local farmers having to go out of business and wastage of food. A similar situation is occurring in Trinidad and Tobago today.
The role of the Mother Country is still played by Europe and the U.S. but it is now called a ‘developed’ country. The colony is still seen as the Caribbean but it is now called a ‘developing’ country. Instead of the former colony producing food for the Mother Country, the Mother Country now gives food to the colony in the form of exports to the colony. This is different from the colonial period because the roles are now reversed. Instead of the former colony growing food for the European country, the European Country now grows food for the former colony. The former colony is dependant on food from the European country. However, the fact still remains that the relationship between the European Country and the colony is still one of mercantilist in nature. The European Country only sees the colony as existing for the sole purpose of producing wealth for the European Country. In the present day Caribbean, this wealth is derived from the former colony when it purchases imports from the European Country.
The second impact that the plantation economy and the ‘plantation legacy’ has in Caribbean countries today is on society. During the pure plantation economy period (1600-1838), the colonies developed their culture based on the culture of the metropole. This persisted in the plantation economy modified period (1838-1938). The planters and colonists longed to return to their European country of birth to partake in that lifestyle. However, as time continued and the colonist began to establish their own families within the Caribbean, a new culture was created. This is known as creole culture. It consists of tangible and intangible features of the Caribbean. The tangible includes the food, musical instruments and clothes which originate in the Caribbean. The intangible elements comprise of the music, religious celebrations and the day to day habits of the people.
The ‘plantation economy’ has left behind a living legacy which is known as the ‘plantation legacy’. This legacy is one where the local people of the Caribbean place a profound emphasis on foreign goods due to the notion that these are of better quality than that of the locally produced goods. This has implications that it is more socially acceptable to purchase these goods and those that do are of a high social standing within the societal pyramid. This is reflected in the economy as well as there is ‘the persistence of foreign-dictated taste patterns’ (Sudama 1979: 73).
Within Trinidad and Tobago, many consumers are of the belief that foreign produced goods are of better quality than locally produced goods. This is seen when they venture into supermarkets whereby brands such as Kellogg’s are more easily purchased than the locally produced Sunshine Snacks; K-Cel is denied for Adidas; Just U.S.A. is chosen over Westport. Therefore, the country has a high import bill as the needs and wants of the consumers are being met. This reflects a mercantilist relationship between metropole and hinterland as the metropole uses the status of a more highly developed culture to infiltrate the culture of the hinterland. This results in the hinterland now wanting to resemble that of the metropole. This is an example of how the culture of the colonising country in the seventeenth century has survived in the present day Caribbean. However, the role of the metropole is now played by that of the United States, while the hinterland is still played by the Caribbean.
With the simple act of Europe looking for a source of raw materials in its activities of colonising the West Indies, the present day Caribbean has been changed forever. On the other hand, it is nice to wonder for a moment what life would have been like if Columbus had never stumbled into the Caribbean Sea and landed on Hispaniola in 1492. The indigenous peoples would now still be alive. The Kalinagos, Tainos, Mayans, Aztecs and Incas, along with the minor groups would all be thriving well in the Caribbean and Latin America. Certain diseases such as smallpox, influenza, bubonic plague and pneumonic plagues were introduced by Europeans to the West Indies. Their subsistence form of agriculture would still be practised today, for even though in the eyes of the Europeans this system was seen as primitive, it was actually the opposite. The Indigenous people had developed an agricultural system that was fashioned to meet their dietary and nutritional needs. They never went hungry. On the contrary, in most cases, they had excess and even developed an economic system based on taxation that used the agricultural produce as a form of currency. The Caribbean would not have been plundered by other countries. The land would not have been raped in order to suit the capitalist needs of another. The people would have maintained their close relationship to the land. There would not of been the widespread upheaval of any group of people, that caused so much pain and suffering to them, just so that they could have entered into the institution of chattel slavery and indentureship to be used as labour on large plantations. The culture of vast amounts of groups of people destroyed and lost forever. All of the aforementioned effects resulted from the formation of a plantation economy and the ‘plantation legacy’.
The plantation economy is a model aimed at analysing the economies created as a result of European colonisation occurring in the Caribbean from the seventeenth century. The effects observed in present day Caribbean countries are known as the ‘plantation legacy’. The main characteristic is the European country or the Mother Country, also known as the metropole, using the Caribbean or colony, also known as the hinterland, in an exploitative manner. The colony was mainly seen as the producers of food and raw materials for the Mother Country. This resulted in the transformation of the agricultural sector of the colony. This exploitative relationship still exists in the present day Caribbean with the main effects being felt in the economy and society of the Caribbean countries.
REFERENCE LIST
Beckford, G 1972 Persistent Poverty: Underdevelopment in Plantation Economies in the Third World, Oxford University Press, New York.
Bernal, R 1984, ‘The I.M.F. and Class Struggle in Jamaica, 1977-1980’, Latin American Perspectives, vol. 11, no. 3 Destabilization and Intervention in the Caribbean, pp. 53-82, viewed on 22 Sept. 2010, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2633290.
Best, Lloyd 1968. ‘Outlines of a Model of the Pure Plantation Economy’, Social and Economic Studies, vol. 17, no. 3, (September 1968), pp. 283-326.
Rose, A 2002, Dependency and Socialism in the Modern Caribbean: Superpower Intervention in Guyana, Jamaica, and Grenada, 1970-1985, Lexington Book, United States of America.
Shepherd, S & Beckles, H (eds) 2000, Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World: A Student Reader, Ian Randle Publishers Limited, Kingston.
Sudama, T 1979 ‘The Model of the Plantation Economy: The Case of Trinidad and Tobago’, Latin American Perspectives, vol. 6, no.1 Socialism and Imperialism in the Caribbean, pp. 65-83, viewed 6 Sept. 2010, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2633275.
Filed under: Uncategorized | Tags: 2010-11 Geography of Development Class, Short Essays 2
Avidesh Seenath
In T&T, crime is an inhibitor to Sustainable Development (SD). I live in a community where criminals roam free. For example, three guys in my community were caught by a security camera shooting a young man at a local shop[i]. Their intention was to steal his car, but they shot him when he retaliated. They left him to die, took his car and fled the scene. They were imprisoned a couple of days later, but were then set free after a few months. Why? They bribed their way to freedom. This is the state of our nation! Certain police officers, judges and other officials make this country a crime-ridden country. Some of them accept bribery and, in this sense, it is easy to commit a crime and be free in T&T. Crime in this country is dealt with very poorly and has become pronounced. It is because of improper handling of crime that SD in T&T is delayed. This is what upsets me!
Almost every day, a new crime, in particular murder, is committed and reported on the news. The one line that is always reported is: “Police officers are continuing investigations”. However, the outcomes of these investigations are rarely reported back to the public. With respect to Sean Luke, the six year old boy who was brutally murdered in 2006[ii], his murderers were caught, but nobody knows what became of them. School teacher Reena Ramsumair was murdered in 2010[iii]. Her murderer was caught but the murder trial keeps getting postponed. These cases show that crime is not taken seriously! Due to these issues in society, I keep both my sister and myself locked up inside the house. In this sense, my freedom has been snatched. Instead of hearing of solved murder cases, or of the murder rate declining, all one hears about is how many millions government spends on combating crime. Some of that money includes those of tax payers. Therefore, both tax payers’ and the government’s money is being spent in vain since the crime rate is still high[iv]. This can lower the financial resource base of T&T. This may eventually force governments to over exploit and, therefore, reduce the country natural resources to generate more income. The longer we let crime rule our society, the longer SD would be delayed. SD is simply to ensure that the next generation has equal share of our resources. With the delay of SD, what will become of future generations and even of the current one? Resources, both financial and natural, may decline which means the people of T&T may eventually suffer.
In conclusion, crime remains an issue I’m deeply concerned about regarding SD in T&T. The government of T&T clearly focuses more on combating crime for obvious reasons such as improving living conditions, ensuring public safety, etc., therefore delaying SD. However, despite focusing more on eradicating crime, the crime rate is still high. Crime is poorly handled by the T&T government and due to this SD is inhibited. Yet, despite being an issue, crime in the form of murder can be regarded as a mechanism of population control, which can be seen as a catalyst for SD. The less people around, the more resources would be available and therefore SD can be executed. Think about it!
[i] Go to the following link if you are interested in seeing the security camera footage: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AISQagtoQjg
[ii] For those of you who don’t know about the Sean Luke’s murder case, go to the following link: http://neverforgottenvictims.blogspot.com/2010/04/sean-luke.html
[iii] For those of you who don’t know about the Reena Ramsumair murder case, go to the following link: http://www.newsday.co.tt/crime_and_court/0,114789.html
[iv] For crime statistics, go to the following link: http://www.ttcrime.com/stats.php
Christine Amreka Hosein
Child Abuse
Eric Williams, Trinidad and Tobago’s first Prime Minister, said that the future lies in children’s book bags. Protecting our future is protecting our children. I think we have failed our nation’s children because we see them being murdered, raped and ill-treated. How can we reach “developed” nation status if our children are unsafe? Policies to protect our children are few in number and not always enforced. Rapists, murderer and child abusers walk the roads freely without fear of being arrested. How can our children be safe?
On May 23, 1998, 11 year-old Akiel Chambers went to a friend’s birthday party. His body was found floating in the pool the following day. An autopsy report said he was smothered and sexually molested. No one was held accountable for his death. On February 1, 2006, Dane Andres, 12, was fished out of a pond where he went swimming. He was sexually assaulted. Sean Luke Lum Fai, a US born citizen, was found dead on March 28, 2006, at age six. Cause of death: buggered with a cane stalk and found in a shallow grave in a cane field. His killers, whom he knew, were charged for murder. On April 23, of the same year, Radha Lakhan was found in a shallow grave close to her home. She was missing for one month. Less than one month later, on May 15, Amy Annamunthodo, four, was raped, beaten, buggered and suffocated in her home. Her 19 year-old mother was arrested for negligence while her step-father was charged for murder. On June 18, Lily Seepersad, seven, was forced to drink Gramoxone by her father. On October 29, Parmanand Persad, 13, was tortured, beaten, buggered and murdered in Crown Trace, Enterprise. His neighbour was held for the murder. Hope Arismandez, 8, was found in Petersfield on May 27, 2008. She was buggered, raped and stabbed to death. Her killer, Sunil Ali, was arrested. He committed suicide in jail. Daniel Guerra’s body was found floating in the Tarouba River on February 20, 2011. The first autopsy report said he drowned. A second autopsy reported death by strangulation. He was eight.
Why do our children have to die in such a gruesome manner? Why do they have to die at the hands of those they know and trust? We, as a nation, must protect our children. Policies must be implemented to ensure our children’s safety. We should not allow another name to be added to the above list. We must protect our children. We must protect our future.
The following is an original poem in memory of Daniel Guerra’s death:
I do not understand everything that’s happening around me,
I was brought into a world with heinous crimes and killing sprees,
Where people are inconsiderate and selfish,
Where feeling safe is my only wish,
I don’t want to die,
I am a child, hear me cry.
Days where I can walk the roads happy and free
Is nothing but a fantasy,
Instead I have to stay locked inside,
For maniacs and murderers are lurking outside,
And I don’t want to die,
I am a child, hear me cry.
I am afraid to be anywhere alone,
I am scared to come home,
For I know nowhere I may go is secure,
I don’t know who I can trust anymore,
For I don’t want to die,
I am a child, hear me cry.
I do not wish to be beaten, bruised or raped,
What I want instead, is an escape,
Away from the cruelties of this world,
Where happy stories are the only ones told,
And I don’t want to die,
I am a child, hear me cry.
God sent me here, wanting me to be safe, to feel free,
To be loved, appreciated and always be happy,
Instead the world takes this away from me,
I am God’s child can’t you see?
At your cruel hands I am not meant to die,
I am God’s child, hear my cry.
RUQAYYAH THOMPSON
Development is a pressing issue in the Caribbean. After all, we are the ‘Third World’ and we need to become ‘developed’, and attain ‘First World’ status. My grievances lie in the way that development is conceptualised, and thus practiced. There is no such ‘First’ and ‘Third Worlds.’ It is a myth that Trinidad is ‘developing’, ‘economically less developed’ or ‘Third World.’ Because these terms are used, some government policies have tended towards an illusionary ‘developed country’ status.
For example, Vision 2020 has created a new waterfront and skyline in Port-of-Spain. Does this skyline mark the beginning of Trinidad’s development? Is it a middle stage or is it the end? No, perhaps when the new buildings are filled with people who appear to be busy working, then that would be the end, and Trinidad would suddenly become developed. Other policies designed towards industrialisation include setting up an aluminum industry, with the help of the international aluminum giant, Alcoa. Would this proposal create development? These development schemes instead resemble failed attempts of Sir Arthur Lewis’s ‘Industrialisation by Invitation.’ They encourage foreign companies to enter Trinidad, and have produced empty buildings similar to abandoned factory shells.
Development is a process, not a model. A model is a simplification of reality, and Trinidad’s reality is far from simple. Historical and economic processes have created our reality, and these must be considered within the context of development. For development to really work for the betterment of Trinidad’s people, a policy drafted in a boardroom will not be successful, nor will a large loan from the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank. People on the ground need to conceptualise development. Development that is historically informed and development that means something to them.
JANELLE HORNE
Akiel Chambers. Sean Luke. Dane Andrews. Amy Anamunthudo. Hope Arismandez. Daniel Guerra. They all have something in common; society has failed them. These children have been abused and murdered at the hands of those who were supposed to protect them. Their rights, as children, have been denied. It upsets me that such blatant disregard is given to the plights of so many children in this country. Too often, the ‘worst case scenario’ becomes reality before people take notice of what is happening. Even then, such cases only receive brief periods of attention. What irks me most is the ‘all talk, no action’ approach to these situations.
In 1998, a twelve-year-old boy was found at the bottom of a pool. Evidence revealed that he was sodomised and killed. This incident occurred at a children’s pool party at a house in Maraval. To this day, the case remains unsolved. Though evidence suggested murder, his death was classified as a drowning. This boy was Akiel Chambers. Any time news is made of a child being violated or killed, my mind returns to this incident. Akiel Chamber’s case was the first that I can recall where real attention was given to the plights of so many of our nation’s children. After Akiel, several similar cases were brought to the forefront. Many of these cases also remain unsolved. Most recently was the case of Daniel Guerra, whose body was found in a river near his home. His death, in the same way as Chamber’s, was quickly classified as a drowning. However, an autopsy revealed that the child was strangled. This case remains unclassified. Will his death also go unsolved?
How can someone with a conscience look at an innocent child and harm them in so many ways? How can we as a nation leave our children at the mercy of so many brutal and malicious beings? How can we allow these cruel individuals to go unpunished for such heinous crimes? When will we adopt, implement and monitor the necessary policies to safeguard our children? Will our children ever be truly safe in this twin island ‘paradise’? I cannot answer these questions; neither can many other persons in this country. This makes me fearful of having children of my own.
SHENNELLE MANBODE
Flooding has always been one of the major problems for Trinidad and Tobago’s development. It has affected a number of areas across Trinidad and Tobago, and in many of these areas it continues to be a problem. Some of the districts that are continuously affected by flooding include Caparo, Debe, Caroni, Chaguanas, Penal, and Sangre Grande. From my personal experience, flooding has affected me throughout my entire school life. Even now, while I am attending university it proves to be an ongoing problem. The issue of flooding should be viewed as a major concern affecting Trinidad and Tobago’s development and it should be dealt with accordingly.
I live in Caparo and have always been affected by flooding. There have been occasions when I could not attend school or was forced to leave school early due to flooding. As a result of the flash flooding, which occurred in November of last year, I was unable to attend a midterm examination. An article in the Express Newspaper states that in May 2010, students writing the Caribbean Secondary Examination Certificate (CSEC) and the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) were forced to use trucks to be transported across flood waters to attend examinations. Another example of flooding occurred in November 2010 when, according to another newspaper article, many people were unable to leave their homes due to flash flooding in Central and East Trinidad.
While there are many disadvantages to flooding there are also some advantages. Due to flooding, the soil affected by flooding may become enriched with nutrients. The soil affected by flooding can then be used for agricultural land practices. In conclusion, action needs to be taken against flooding as it has disrupted the development of Trinidad and Tobago for many years.
Works Cited
“Geographical Learning Enquires.” Staffordshire Learning Net. n.d. Web. http://www.sln.org.uk/geography/enquiry/we30.htm
Gonzales, Gyasi. 2010. “East, Central Under Water.” Trinidad Express. 24 Nov. Web.http://www.trinidadexpress.com/news/East__Central_under_water-110526789.html
Kissoon, Carolyn. 2010. “Trucks, tractors give pupils a lift to exam centres.” Trinidad Express.27 May. Web http://www.trinidadexpress.com news/Trucks__tractors_give_pupils_a_lift_to_exam_centres-114788374.html
JEWELLE MAPP
Developing countries still rely on foreign aid, investment and tourism to boost their economies. This avenue of growth depends on the attraction of foreigners to a country. So the image of a country is vital. Indeed, fancy pictures posted on an international booking website matter more to a tourist than inequalities of status and race within a country. The headlines presented in newspapers and photographs of utopian resorts matter more than poverty in rural villages. I just don’t understand why the local media does not seem to get that, as they faithfully plaster a violent picture of a bloody, crime-ridden Trinidad and Tobago. There are many forms of local media but even if we focus on local newspapers alone, a startling reality awaits us.
When the word ‘dead’ was searched on the website of the Trinidad Express Newspaper 2180 articles were produced spanning from 7th November 2010 till present ( 10th March 2011)! The same was done in the Guardian Newspaper, and 240 pages of results were produced spanning from the 13th December 2008 till now (10th March 2011)! In the Newsday Newspaper 31 articles were produced on ’dead’ during this month alone! Clearly people do not have to go far sense the effect of crime on this country and that does not have to be. In exploring the website of Barbados Advocate (a local Barbadian newspaper), even after an immense amount of effort, little to no news of death and crime was found. Instead, the growth and economic progress of the country can be easily seen as a core value of the newspaper. It even advertised itself as a newspaper that does not promote ‘slander and gossip’. Consequently the strength of the tourism industry and foreign investment of this country is no secret to the international community. Is it that Barbados has no crime or is it the image maintained that grants them success? Conversely the image displayed by Trinidad and Tobago has now earned the country a travel warning issued by the United Kingdom to their locals.
Now, you might argue that Barbados does have a lower crime rate than Trinidad and Tobago. You might even ask if I am telling newspapers to not report crime. The former is true but the Barbadian approach of nation-building through local media should be emulated. Crime should be reported, not glorified. It is my desire that achievements of local athletes, non-profit organizations, community projects and international conferences, make it to the front page faster than brawls in bars that end in death. For the image of safety, security and a striving nation welcomes tourism, foreign aid and investment. We must remember that along this so-called path of economic development we are as good as we look!
References
Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Travel and living abroad. 03 09, 2011. http://fco.gov.uk/en/travl-and-living-abroad/travel-advice-by-country/north-central-america/trinidad-tobago (accessed 03 09, 2011).
The Barbados Advocate. The Barbados Advocate. http://www.barbadosadvocate.com/default2.asp (accessed 03 10, 2011).
The Trinidad Guardian. Guardian Trinidad and Tobago. http://test.guardian.co.tt/?q=search/node/dead&page=239 (accessed 03 10, 2011).
Trinidad and Tobago’s Newsday. Trinidad and Tobago’s Newsday. http://www.newsday.co.tt/search/?query=dead&where=all (accessed 03 10, 2011).
Trinidad Express Newspaper. Trinidad Express Newspaper. http://trinidadexpress.com/results?keywords=dead&searchType=gen (accessed 03 10, 2011).
Filed under: Uncategorized | Tags: 2009-10 Geography of Development Class, Short Essays 1
Abeni McDonald: Plan and Execute, An Astigmatism
The government of Trinidad and Tobago has a goal. That goal is that by 2020 this country will be developed. This goal is called Vision 2020. In order to achieve this 20/20 vision (yes pun intended), some sort of planning must go on. What kind of plans you ask? Well, there are housing plans, business plans, environmental plans and the like. Who makes these plans and how do these plans translate into reality? How do we move from the blueprint to the building? Will the end result of all this planning be consistent with what is expected? To the first and second question, my response is inconclusive and so I will focus on the third and final question, to which I will respond in the negative. The general public have no idea of the planning process for the building of schools, houses, and other such structures. The result of the planning process (schools, roads etc) is what is seen and usually it isn’t what the public hoped it would be. I will go a step further to imply that planning in T&T usually ends in disappointment. The title of this piece is attributed to my belief that the government and other privileged parties cannot see the whole process, and so their ‘vision’ is far from perfect. It is, indeed, an astigmatic kind of vision. The government and everyone involved must see the entirety of the picture.
One example of astigmatic tunnel vision is ALCOA. The Aluminium Company of America (ALCOA) is currently setting up business in Trinidad. It is believed that their intent is to produce aluminium products to export while using Trinidad and Tobago’s energy resources. Why pay for long-distance transportation when the source is close by, right? Right! The problem with ALCOA ‘setting up shop’ here is not exactly the ‘why’, but, rather, the how. How did ALCOA come to think of Trinidad as a suitable location? How did the government decide that ALCOA was a suitable business partner? How does Trinidad and Tobago benefit financially? How does ALCOA benefit financially? How did the relevant parties plan to integrate ALCOA into Trinidad and Tobago’s “Vision 2020”? How do they plan to minimize environmental and health risks? Of course, these questions, if answered, have not been answered clearly. How is a developing country supposed to move forward when only an elite few know the real facts?
It is not that I am bitter toward the goal of development by 2020. That is not the problem at all. My problem is that my vision is blurred, while the government can see years ahead. I cannot make a trek ten miles down the road if I cannot see the road ahead of me. If I do not know the route or cannot see it, how do I get there? This is the fundamental nature of my dilemma. How can an entire country achieve development if its citizens cannot see the steps taken to achieve that development?
Shazara Mohammed
“The human race is challenged more than ever before to demonstrate our mastery, not over nature but over ourselves” – Rachel Carson.
The United Nations Millennium Declaration was adopted by one hundred and eight-nine UN Member States in 2000 and has as its action plan, the Millennium Development Goals (MDG’s). One of these goals is to ‘ensure environmental sustainability.’ Accordingly, the United Nation’s web site on the Development Program for Trinidad and Tobago claims that: ‘The MDG’s have been mainstreamed into Trinidad and Tobago’s long-term development plan, Vision 2020…’ However, as the web site states, ‘no report has been submitted on the progress of MDG’s in Trinidad and Tobago… though significant work has been done towards ensuring integration into the development plans of the country.’ These quotes imply that the Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago (GORTT) has taken a very lax approach to meeting the MDG’s. I wish to highlight how contrary the practices of the T&T government are to the MDG goal of ensuring environmental sustainability.
The MGD plan for environmental sustainability requires a country to integrate the principles of sustainable development into its policies and programmes, and to reverse the loss of environmental resources. The government of Trinidad and Tobago has, however, disregarded the principles of sustainable development and increased the loss of environmental resources. The proposed smelter plant by Alutrint and steel plants in La Brea and Claxton Bay respectively, are anything but a step in the right direction. La Brea has seen the removal of hundreds of acres of forest vegetation stripped of its fertility, biodiversity and the potential contamination of invaluable fresh water aquifers. The clearing of mangrove swamp vegetation for the construction of Essar Steel Plant would also mean the destruction of a fishing industry, community and the overall quality of life for residents in the area.
Along with our current industrial plants, these industrial projects would require a constant supply of electrical power, which, in turn, demands a steady supply of natural gas. As the MGD goals state, non-renewable fuel sources must be conserved for future generations. So the question then arises, would there be enough reserve for the next generation in Trinidad and Tobago with the present rate of consumption? The concept of conservation as a pillar of sustainable development is blatantly missing from the T&T government’s vision for its country – Vision 2020. These are just some examples of the Government’s inconsiderate and wasteful behaviour. Similar examples are prevalent in many other sectors of the economy. Having policies on paper simply cannot suffice; it must be matched with affirmative action.
I am an optimist by nature. I believe that the future brings hope. Along with that optimism, however, it is necessary to formulate plans and implement programs to reach the ideal and utopic future one wishes to have. This involves strategic planning: balancing economy with environment. There must be consideration and a vision of future generations to preserve what is left of this land we call home. The world, the country and the individual needs this, in order to move forward!
Kevin Rameswak
An issue that is really making me angry is the shortage of water in my community and neighbouring communities. Water is something that everyone depends on and needs in order to carry out daily tasks and to sustain life. Drinking water is essential for human life. For the past week, my area, St Augustine, is facing great difficulties getting water. It is causing frustration amongst the residents.
This problem has occurred previously and now it is happening again. Around eight or nine o’clock every night, the water supply of most residents is cut. It is given back to them in the morning before everyone starts their day. The issue that bothers me is that areas like Valsayn always have water. The problem of this water shortage is not to fix any broken pipes but that it is deliberately siphoned off from some residents. Preference is given to those communities which are known to be of a higher class. In an effort to save water, the government cuts off the availability of water in some areas, without heeding to the needs of the residents of St. Augustine. It is unfair to give water preferentially to specific communities and to starve others.
Water should be given to all residents unless there is a problem with a main pipe to be repaired. The residents of St. Augustine and areas of Tunapuna are deprived of water at times and this is unfair. There is no reason to cut our water supply and to allow Valsayn access to water. That particular area is occupied by persons of high rank in society. Cutting their supply would be an insult to them. They think they should be given the right to always be granted to water and the surrounding areas can do without for a few nights. This is something to be disgusted about. Water should be given to all without preferential treatment.
Kylie Kovar
“Water is life’s matter and matrix, mother and medium. There is no life without water.” -Albert Szent-Gyorgyi.
If water is an essential element of all life on Earth, it is safe to say that my village is dying. Mendez Village, Siparia is located at the most southeastern edge of the island; perhaps it is for this reason that we are not identified on the Trinidadian map. We at Mendez Village suffer from extreme water shortage. Some areas in close proximity to the village are fortunate to have pipe-borne water facilitated by the Water and Sewage Authority (W.A.S.A). We however, are not so fortunate. We do not have pipe-borne water rather; we depend solely upon God’s grace and the rain to supply us with water throughout the year. Our village did have a steady supply of water provided by a village shopkeeper who owns a water truck. One phone call and water was in our tanks. This too has since been cut off due to W.A.S.A’s new “conserve water initiatives”. Numerous pleas to W.A.S.A for help fall upon deaf ears. Our village has become totally disheartened. The government seems to care less and less for smaller communities of Trinidad and Tobago. By contrast, at the endless housing schemes spread across Trinidad, water is plentiful and construction proceeds full speed ahead. All the while, already established communities are hungry for water.
Mendez Village is a very rural and traditional village, where everyone knows each other and everyone is considered family. When one person or family suffers, every villager suffers. The village has never known the comfort of pipe-borne water. Two years ago, the entire area knew what it felt like to be without a steady supply of water. W.A.S.A ran lines for a few other areas around Mendez, but we were left without. Disgruntled, many of the villagers visited W.A.S.A’s office at Mon Chagrin Street, San Fernando. They were told that W.A.S.A.’s records showed that our village received water mains in their last contract. Imagine our shock! Since then, our village has tried everything to receive pipe borne water. We even deceived W.A.S.A officials to visit our village to convince them we had no water mains. A neighbour made an anonymous phone call to W.A.S.A, informing them of illegal mains being run in the village. When the officials arrived, they realized our village had no pipe-borne water. They submitted a report on their findings, that Mendez was the only village within the vicinity which did not have pipe-borne water, but to no avail. We have even applied to the National Self Help Community, which assists villages in need, but this too has been futile. W.A.S.A must give permission for us (the villagers) to excavate the roads, and place pipelines ourselves, under their supervision. Thus we were prohibited from proceeding with such actions as W.A.S.A has denied our request.
Our last resort was the shopkeeper. With his water truck, the village received some water. Now, this too has been taken away from us. W.A.S.A recently learned of this, and charged the shopkeeper, took away his truck and removed the water main which once supplied water to his home. W.A.S.A officials claim that the sale of water is illegal as water is to be provided to the public for free. They do not understand that we did not mind paying for the water as it was the only alternative we had; they offered no solution. Now we rely upon rain, or the mercy of the Penal Regional Co-operation, who will provide a weekly supply of one tank per household (which is not much), for the next six weeks. After which, we have to survive on our own.
BERNICE ROBINSON: HOSPITAL FIRE
A fire that consumed the surgical ward and ICU of the St Jude Hospital in St. Lucia claimed the lives of three patients. St Jude was one of two public hospitals which served the population of 160 267 (2009 est). A temporary Accident and Emergency Ward was set up at the Olympic Stadium to accommodate anticipated emergencies. Many local, regional and international donations have been made to assist with the rehabilitation process, yet very little work has been undertaken and the cause of the fire is yet to be determined. One public hospital is left to attend to the health care needs of the entire nation.
This situation puts a strain on the medical professionals, the hospitals as well as the stadium. A makeshift hospital is not equipped to administer the requisite standard of healthcare to patients. The only functioning public hospital also does not have the capacity to provide adequate medical care to the influx of patients who would now be displaced from the south of the island. Medical staff has now been placed under immense pressure and therefore the quality of service may diminish. The ambulance service has become less efficient since the seventy-five minute transfer from Vieux Fort to Castries means there is less time to attend to minor cases. The Olympic Stadium is the only football and athletic facility of its kind in the country. Previously it was used to host CARIFTA games, national and school games and football competitions. Since September 2009, the stadium has not been used for its intended purpose and revenue from ticket sales have subsided.
There seems to be lack of urgency with which the Government of St Lucia executes the repair works. The Government must consider the current situation as it infringes on the constitutional right of citizens to quality health care. There are also implications for the tourism industry, which is the main revenue earner for St Lucia. Travellers are interested in the quality and availability of medical care of the visiting country and this has a major influence on their destination choice. This situation warrants immediate attention. Five months is sufficient time for more rehabilitation works to have been made on the facility. St Lucians must realize that quality health care is a basic human right and campaign for a more speedy rehabilitation process.
Avenash Balroop
Trinidad is a democratic society where people employ a government who seeks the interest of the people, while managing the country affairs. Governments have the responsibility to provide basic utilities such as water and electricity, proper health care, and protective services. In this society everyone has the freedom to attain an education, to voice their opinions and to earn an income. Unfortunately the potential for people to enjoy the highest standard of living is undermined by government’s abuse of power, inefficient management of funds and flawed work ethics.
Today people perceive politicians as persons who seek their own interest first. Politicians and governments ministries practice favouritism and nepotism when appointing jobs and work contracts. A few years ago the Prime Minister appointed his wife the Minister of Education. Ministers are usually appointed to parliament through a democratic process involving the people. This appointment was not and shows clear abuse of power. Nepotism in politics occurs when the relative of a powerful figure ascends to a similar position of power without appropriate qualifications. This nepotism displayed by the Prime Minister perpetuates throughout government ministries and organisations. Trinidad urban areas have expanded during the last five years, a period referred to as the construction boom. During this period the government has pursued elaborate projects such as an international hotel and conference centre, a carnival and entertainment centre, the refurbishment of the Prime Minister residence, all costing hundreds of millions on dollars. The prime minister residence alone has cost about two hundred million dollars. This is also in a period when many rural areas in the country are without basic infrastructure such as access to water and electricity. Rural areas have been neglected from government’s plans for improvement and development though rural unemployment perpetuates. Above this is the lack of accountability in spending and fair play in awarding contracts. The government concern for people ironically has continued to deteriorate as their spending power increases.
In the Caribbean Trinidad is considered one of the more developed countries, yet poverty persist. The government spends billions of dollars on construction projects but people sleep on the floor in hospitals. The inefficiency in management, self-serving attitudes and lack of insight to achieve a better life for people is a virus which governments often contract but people suffer most. Trinidad though is increasingly becoming a society where people stand up and fight for their rights, it is people action that has move this country forward and will continue to.
TRICIANNA MAHARAJ: Lack of infrastructural development in rural areas of Trinidad
Infrastructural developments such as proper roads, health facilities, water and electricity are virtually non-existent in some rural areas of Trinidad and Tobago. In most government planning schemes infrastructural development in rural areas is not a priority. This issue has been has been going unrecognized for too long. While our government has been focusing on developing urban areas further, it has increased the disparity between rural and urban places. In addition, it has influence internal migration that is threatening to undermine present and past improvements in urban areas. I choose this topic because development in my opinion cannot take place fully without development of the entire nation.
Many areas such as Babanday, Matelot, Blanchieuse and Marouga lack basic amenities such as pipe borne water, electricity, and proper waste and drainage systems. While major infrastructural work is needed in many rural areas, the government is lavishly spending taxpayer’s money. Substantial amounts of money (two million dollars) were spent recently on our national flag, in addition to millions spent to entertain heads of government at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. I think that the country could have managed without a two million dollar flag and excessive spending on buildings. Babanday, a small community in Sangre Grande, lacks electricity and water, proper roads and sanitation. The area has no drainage and no efficient disposal system. This severely retards the community’s growth and creates health hazards; it also contributes to push factors of internal migration. There are countless examples of communities that lack basic infrastructure, resulting in environmental and health problems.
Lack of basic infrastructure prevents communities from advancing. It creates issues that affect all of us because it contributes to internal migration and brings about a lot of negatives such as crime and squatter development. In my opinion, we can only truly move forward as a nation when the government recognizes the need to invest in rural areas.
Amanda Chanka: THE ISSUE OF THE ALLOCATION OF TAXPAYERS’ MONEY IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
‘Development is more than mere economics.’ – Mark Tully, No Full Stops in India, 1991.
The aforementioned quote is true; however, it is only true to a certain extent. Economics has a major part to play in the issue of development. Trinidad and Tobago is a classic example of poor economic management. One example is the allocation and ways in which taxpayers’ money is spent. I feel as though the money could be better allocated and the government can be fair and equal to everyone. I am originally from the rural community of Rio Claro but I now reside in St. Augustine so I have been exposed to both sides of the story. My father paid the same amount of taxes when we lived in Rio Claro as he does presently. However, we now benefit more from these taxes. This is because the government of Trinidad and Tobago pays more attention to the north-western portion of Trinidad than any other part thereof.
It seems as though the government of Trinidad and Tobago cares only about a certain percentage of the population. And still, the resources put in place there may not even be for ‘Trinbagonians’ themselves but for the visiting tourists. Such amenities include proper infrastructure and places of interest. The place of focus is particular areas in North Trinidad. The Churchill Roosevelt Highway from the Piarco National Airport to Port of Spain is almost always in perfectly good condition. Yet, roads in South Trinidad are sometimes impassable. Street lights, telephones, electricity and all the basic amenities are well taken care of in the ‘area of focus’ but non-existent in many southern communities. Don’t these individuals pay taxes too? Why then are they treated unfairly? I believe that tax payers’ money should be allocated equally throughout the country. Everyone should have the privilege of benefiting from it. Also in 2009, the government of Trinidad and Tobago used its taxpayers’ money to host two summits. The highway was paved again. Cameras were installed along the highway. Do the majority of taxpayers’ benefit from the money they spend? No.
The initial quote is true but to a certain extent. For development to occur, proper economic planning must take place. It requires intelligent minds and months of preparation. Certain policies need to be implemented and taken seriously. One cannot expect to move forward if everyone is not treated fairly. Trinidad and Tobago is made up of 1.3 million individuals and not just those in the Port of Spain area. Maybe it is time for the government of Trinidad and Tobago to realize this.
Apologies: To Damian Robinson whose brillant paper was lost in processing.
Filed under: Uncategorized | Tags: ESSAYS ON FOOD IN TRINIDAD: 1st-year Geography Students
Shivani Deonarine: Geography of Food Essay
For my research I acquired data from two food outlets based in south Trinidad. The first outlet that I visited is a mini supermarket called “Jango’s” in a small village in Pluck Road Penal. After which, I visited a roti shop located just off the main road in an area called Batchiya in Penal. While there were some similarities between both businesses there were also many differences which would be further explored in this essay.
While the essay’s general aim is to highlight the similarities and differences between both businesses, there are some specific subtopics that would be dealt with in detail such as the factors that influence consumers’ decisions to purchase a particular good, the marketing strategies of the businesses, the percentage of their products that are imported, the relationship of these products to place and “Trini” identity and finally, similarities of data acquired with the trend in the global food system.
Patrons of Jango’s stated that they chose to shop there because the supermarket carries their preferred brands. As I further interacted with the patrons, I noticed that the taste of the products was the major factor influencing their choice to consume particular goods. They did not seem to mind that the other products may be cheaper. Upon further enquiry, a customer explained to me that she would prefer to cut back on the amount she buys and re-establish her kitchen garden than to switch to a cheap brand that does not taste good. I noticed however that this mentality was held only for major food ingredients for example milk, rice, flour. The toiletries being purchased were mostly of the cheaper brands and the same applied for the snacks being bought by the children of the village. However, a very small amount of people said that they do not like the products that they bought but they still chose to buy them because they did not want to travel to the hub of Penal for a small number of items. Hence, taste and convenience were the two main factors affecting what people would purchase when at the supermarket. On the other hand, it was found that people who visited the roti shop did so mostly for the sake of convenience. The majority of consumers there stated that it is easier than preparing lunch at home or that they were on the go all day and just needed something to eat quickly. One person even went so far as to say that he thinks the roti shop sacrifices quality for quantity and hence he did not immensely enjoy the taste but he continues to buy there because it is very convenient for him. Due to the fact that this roti shop also prepares other meals for sale such as; noodles, vegetables, rice and an array of creole dishes, the patrons and their family enjoyed the variety of meals from which to choose. They comically called it ‘’the one stop roti shop’’ since the entire family got the different dishes that they wanted in that one stop. Though there were some who boldly stated it was not the best roti, there were also a large proportion of patrons who said that they immensely liked the roti and they loved the particular pepper sauce that was made by the owner. It was also found that the consumers were willing to pay higher prices for the convenience that they enjoyed. It can then be stated that these goods sold by both outlets are only relatively elastic to changes in price levels, as we saw in both cases the major factor influencing consumption to be taste and convenience.
Both outlets employed some form of advertising in order to efficiently market their products. It was while interviewing the outlets about their marketing strategies that I realised that the range of the supermarket was smaller since it was located in a small village that was not very accessible to people outside the village. On the other hand, the roti shop which was very easily accessible due to its location just a few seconds off the major S.S. Erin Road in Penal, possessed a greater catchment area and hence used more marketing strategies in an attempt to capture the attention of the larger number of potential patrons. I was told by the owner of “Jango’s” that about once every quarter they hired a ‘mike man’ to drive through the village and make announcements about the groceries and the promotions on their behalf. She also said that sometimes instead of the mike man she and her husband would walk through the village and personally distribute flyers. The roti shop however, was forced to employ different methods of marketing their products since they possessed a larger sphere of influence. They advertised by use of banners, signs, flyers and call cards. Hence both managers though unfamiliar with the technical terms, seemed to possess a clear understanding of the size of the catchment area of their products and hence managed to choose appropriate methods of advertising.
There were also several marketing strategies employed within the businesses themselves. For example, “Jango’s” mainly relied on a method that they referred to as labelling. The strategy of labelling basically meant that the products were packed on the shelves in such a way that the labels were clearly visible by the customers. In addition, they kept the mints and other snacks close to the cashier, at the eyelevel of the children. This ensured that all families would be forced to pass near the snacks and that the children would definitely see them and solicit snacks from their parents. The roti shop also engaged in several advertisement strategies. They offered a variety of pepper sauces which the consumers seemed to greatly appreciate. In addition, they keep the food in clear glass cases in full view of the consumers. Furthermore, they would leave the kitchen door slightly open so that the mouth watering smell of the food would tempt the consumers to buy more and lure the passersby into the shop. Hence, both managers lent their thoughts not only to methods of gaining consumers but also to thinking up strategies of tempting the consumers to purchase more.
Both outlets used locally produced products as well as imported products but to different extents. While the owner of the supermarket claimed that she did have a somewhat even amount of both products, a quick stroll through the supermarket indicated otherwise. Though there were a significant amount of locally produced items such as Charles chocolate, Chief curry, an array of drinks from S.M. Jaleel and items from both Kiss Baking Company and Bermudez Biscuit Company, the majority of the other products were imported. Approximately 70% of the products were imported, such as Nature Valley, Diamond Foil, an array of Happi products, Dairy Dairy milk, Baygon, Johnson and Johnsons products as well as many items from the Colgate-Palmolive company. On the contrary, the roti shop used mainly locally produced products like Ibis flour, Chief curry and potato, to name a few. They used very few imported ingredients such as the channa and dhal (split peas). The owner of the roti shop proudly made the proclamation that the majority of her ingredients are local and hence lent an exotic, scrumptious taste to her roti. Consequently, it is seen that both outlets rely on both local as well as imported ingredients.
It was quite noticeable that the place in which each outlet was located contributed to what was being sold and purchased. For example, the owner of “Jango’s” informed me that being a village composed of mostly, if not entirely of Hindus, there is absolutely no demand for beef hence they did not bother to sell products that even contained beef. This religious dominance also led them to begin sales of other products such as incense and deeyas, with demand peaking at times of Hindu festivals. The owner also told me that unlike most groceries they had to stock up on large amounts of vegetables since the Hindu community observes a fast at many times throughout the year for several festivals. The roti shop on the other hand has a more diverse clientele, since it was close to the main road which is used by all people in an around Penal. For this reason, they not only have to ensure that no beef is sold in any of the dishes which they prepared but they also had to ensured that all the meat used was Halal so that the Muslim community could also consume food there. In addition, I was informed that during lent they would prepare dishes with fish, while around periods of fasting for Hindus they had to ensure that they increased production of vegetarian dishes. The manager laughingly said to me, “You know how the south people love pepper!” She continued to inform me that after interacting with her customers she realised that they all have different preferences in terms of the way they consume pepper therefore, in order to please everyone they always prepare, lime pepper sauce, kuchela as well as anchar. It is seen that the place in which the grocery is located is a traditional village in which the people observe all aspects of their faith hence influencing their consumption patterns. The place in which the roti shop is located however, is a more diverse place; host to people of many different cultures and religions. Hence, there is often an even bigger change in consumption patterns as the people observe periods of fasting which is defined differently according to each faith. Consequently, it is seen that both managers have a good understanding of the needs of the people in and around their business which leads them to alter what is sold in an attempt to make consumers more comfortable and to increase consumption in some cases.
“Trini” identity also seemed to play a huge role in what products are sold and in what quantity. The major part of being a Trini is the fact that they all relax with families and splurge around Christmas time. Both the supermarket and the roti shop claimed that sales peaked around Christmas. The owner of the grocery told me that around Christmas everyone splurges, as they stock up on snacks for the children as well as a huge amount of food and liquor for family “limes”. Consequently, it is important for the profitability of the grocery to sell liquor and meat during Christmas holidays. The manager of the roti shop explained that her patrons often tell her that Christmas is their time to relax and do nothing, and it is for this reason that they often buy more food during the holidays. It is seen that consumption patterns are also based on the Trini mindset that Christmas is the time to overindulge; hence the managers must ensure that they carry products which are in high demand during these periods and increase stock of the products whose consumption would increase at that time.
There were recently major issues in the global food system such as the shortage of wheat which led to the obvious decrease in production of flour. The manager of the grocery told me that during periods of shortage of flour they rationed their remaining stock of flour and sold it to the people in the village with whom they shared closer relations. She also informed me that during these times many people simply increased their consumption of rice and provisions which they seemed to dub as substitute goods to flour. The owner also complained that in recent years, prices seemed to fluctuate too often, whereas in previous years the average gap between noticeable price changes was approximately six months. The owner of the roti shop also shared the same problem. She stated that the increases in the price of flour caused her to increase the price of her roti. But as discovered before, these price changes did not have a very significant impact of consumption. While they both suffer from the crisis shared by many other food outlets they did not yet have to face severe consequences.
All my findings thus far are in keeping with my personal habits. I, like the consumers interviewed, prefer to purchase products based on taste and convenience. Despite this fact, my consumption is still relatively responsive to changes in price levels as I have seen an overall fall in consumption in my household. I have also fallen victim to good marketing strategies such as the urge to purchase more snacks as I see them while at the cashier. In addition, the discovery of the fact that most grocery items are imported comes as no shock to me since over the past several years I realised that most of the products I consume at home are imported. Furthermore, I must admit to being guilty of possessing the Trini mindset of splurging around Christmas. I think this is a mindset that has been embedded in my family since my parents were young. They often tell us that it was only around Christmas that they ever got apples from their wealthy family and their parents treated them to a greater amount of snacks as young children. Hence all my findings have been in keeping with my experiences and opinions as I researched different aspects of both food outlets.
Trinidad and Tobago has changed significantly since independence, but according to many Trinis with whom I have spoken, not for the better. To escape from colonial structures of power that centered on the agriculture sector and to join the ranks of the ‘modern’ industrialized world, urbanization took precedence in the early years of independent Trinidad and Tobago. Yet despite attempts to ‘forget the past’ [Dhano Sookoo, President of the Agricultural Society of Trinidad and Tobago; ASTT] political economic and cultural forms that developed over time as a result of the colonial emphasis on plantation agriculture have persisted in T&T society, though some have argued that much of this persistence is merely in peoples’ heads, calling for Trinibagonians to stop ‘blam[ing our problems] all on size’; to eliminate the ‘learnt helplessness’ of a historical paternalism; and to escape from the state of being ‘stagnant in a Sargasso Sea’.
After the oil boom of the late 1970s and 1980s, consumption patterns transformed as did dominant political economic models. Closer ties to rich men and corporations from the US have been coupled with a tendency for Trinibagonians in power to value quick rewards over long-term socio-economic, environmental and structural development. American symbols of progress such as grand, though seismically-unstable buildings have continued to be constructed in both representation and in practice, especially in the most ‘modern’ area: Port of Spain. The emphasis on urban development has continued along with a rise in manufacturing of processed foods with largely imported ingredients. In the neoliberal era of the past two decades, private foreign investment has taken precedence, especially in the energy sector, largely superseding the remaining part of the economy dedicated to agricultural exports such as sugar. The final shift away from agriculture is symbolized by the closing of the Caroni (1975) Ltd. sugar mill complex in 2007.
Despite the ambition to ‘forget the past’, such changes in the T&T political economy may reflect more continuities with the original ‘plantation model’ than divergences. As one speaker at a recent conference on constitutional reform said, Trinidad and Tobago has borrowed foreign forms, not content. As with the ‘half-made’ Westminster model adopted for the T&T government, the shift away from agriculture to imported and/or processed foods has not led to a concomitant transformation of Trinidad and Tobago into a ‘modern’, consumerist society resembling countries like North America or Britain. The ideal model for some, mirrored on countries with high levels of GDP, does not correspond with the homegrown development of the T&T economy. As one Trini woman put it, in a rare self-defining moment: ‘We [Trinibagonians] are a pizza with many different toppings, we are a callaloo. We have the whole world in us, the world does not have us in them.’
While some Trinis notice the difference between before, when, for example, ‘I used to go to the market once a week’ and now, when ‘I can afford not to!’, most of Trinidad’s rural inhabitants (among others) have not gained much from recent national development programs. Indeed, much of what is called ‘development’ in the energy sector, for example, has led to the destruction of prime agricultural lands and to the neglect of rural areas, as illustrated by the following quotes from frustrated farmers: ‘Politicians say they’ll start agriculture over here, develop land sustainably over there … and the next thing you know, there’s a factory being built there’; ‘If big fella want to but in big industry, land gone’; ‘This country only producing finance!’; ‘People are cutting grass along roads here [in urban areas] while the grass there [in rural areas] reaches this high [up to neck]! … A bridge collapsed where I live and no one has fixed it! [To get to the market] I have to carry the breadfruit under the bridge where it is muddy!’ [This farmer, along with his father, has tried in vain to have the bridge that links his town (along the Tamara Road) to the Tunapuna market repaired, repeatedly writing letters to the Ministry of Agriculture. His only hope is that I – a foreign anthropologist – will somehow have the ability to influence the higher powers to come to see the state of his primary transport route. I hope he is right.]
Although the most recent national budget has dedicated an unprecedented amount of funds to the agriculture sector, many farmers complain that they are worse off than ever before, especially as the new property tax is treating agricultural lands the same way as commercial or real estate property, a further inducement to ‘develop’ on T&T’s soils. President of the Agricultural Society of Trinidad and Tobago (ASTT), Dhano Sookoo, recently appealed to the government to
rethink its policy on the property tax as it applies to agriculture and allow all agriculture lands and properties to carry the same tax structure as previously done and not to be classified as commercial or real estate property. … Agriculture is not yet developed and at this point cannot be burdened with increased taxation, when we are battling with so many challenges.
The issue of land tenure in T&T is a complex one, and I have only begun to delve into its depths. At this point of my ethnographic journey, I may only note that, like other kinds of distribution in the T&T national economy, that of land is contradictory and far from transparent. Indeed, as some have argued (namely, Selwyn Ryan and Dennis Pantin), the T&T economy (agricultural or otherwise) is structured by the political culture of the plantation economy, in which the plantation lord is in charge and only those whom he favors receive benefits. Skewed allocation is coupled with legal confusion. For instance, there are, apparently, two different, contrasting laws for property tax (besides the most recent one!), the first established in the 1920s and the second about two decades ago when the corporate strategy for the economy was adopted.
Special purpose companies now seem to run the T&T economy, as illustrated by one MP’s recent comment about the Udecott affair: ‘The tail should wag the dog, not the other way around. The tail is just one part of the dog!’ Such companies are, according to another MP, ‘only rational if you think in terms of getting friends jobs’. The recent outcry over allocation of funds to the private company, Udecott, highlights the need for accountability in both private and public construction sectors. The two (public and private) are intertwined in all places, but noticeably so in the T&T economy. In addition to debates over Patrick Manning’s recent proposal for constitutional reform, which seems to redirect most power to the Prime Minister-cum-President, Udecott is the latest reminder to conscious citizens that their tax dollars are only benefitting a small section of society. As another MP put it: ‘The only people who vote have something to gain!’
Coupled with the way land values are decided, rights to lands also lack transparency and continue the ‘plantation lord model’. The commissioner of lands is only one person, who is, unsurprisingly, appointed by the ever-omnipotent president. One of my friends whose grandparents owned lands in Tamana and Talparo cannot have access to these lands because his parents did not claim inheritance. Informal agreements made in the past between landowners and, for example, North American expatriates who established a presence in Chaguaramas prior to WWII (who promised to return lands after the war), are nullified by more powerful interests since ‘most of they [the landowners] all dead’. In response to this injustice a sole man stands on the main highway into Chag with a sign that reads: ‘Confiscation of our lands: a return to slavery!’ Short-term interests in urban development take precedence over the long-term livelihoods of rural communities.
‘Trinidad capitalists’ are seen by some as being disloyal to the country: ‘Local Creole French whites are commission agents who buy two billion dollars of imports a year!’ As this comment reflects, for a least some Trinis, imbalances of power seem to have as much to do with economics as with race. In fact, unequal distribution of markets, lands and other resources seem to encompass both issues. For instance, on the Parliment Channel and on the ground I have heard many complain about the skewed way funds for road works or other rural development projects and compensation for lost lands (e.g. from the closing of the Caroni [1975] Ltd.) are allocated, as people from Afro-Trini-dominated PNM constituencies arguably benefit more than Indo-Trini-dominated constitutencies. I have also heard people of Afro-Trini origin set themselves apart from Indo-Trinis in moral and historical terms, claiming that ‘They [Indo-Trinis] are better off. They went through indentureship, not slavery … They came out on a contract. … They had advantages that slaves didn’t have’. At the 2009 National Agriculture Forum recently held by the ASTT, a farmer of Indian descent also brought race into the debate over agriculture, promulgating that the PNM government ‘talk[s] of helping the agriculture sector but … They don’t want to empower the Indians!’ Actually most of the people who lost their livelihoods from the closure of the Caroni [1975] Ltd. sugar complex were of Indian descent.
Regardless of race or politics, however, the preference for urban over rural ‘development’ continues. The small farming sector is squeezed not only by increasing prices for inputs, but also by heavily-subsidized imports and local or regional industrialized production, both of which lower food prices. According to one farmer (also a member of the National Food Crop Farmers Association; NFFA), resistance to import subsidies first culminated in the 1974 protest (or ‘riot’) initiated in the Port of Spain market by the NFFA. At this time ‘food crop farmers’ – an identification presumably opposing farmers who produce commodities for export – reacted to actions of the Central Marketing Agency (now the National Agricultural Marketing and Development Corporation; NAMDEVCO), who cut prices. Theirs was a grassroots response to powerful Trinibagonians who favored subsidized imports promoted by outside representatives of a singular ‘modern’ consumerist society. Moreover, as at least one NFFA member sees it, the National Food Crop Farmers Association may be distinguished from the ASTT because, while the latter is tied financially to the Ministry of Agriculture (whom all agree spends more on salaries than agricultural development) and to its ‘neocolonial’ prioritization of exports (‘they [the ASTT] were around when the Negroes were planting cane!’), the NFFA is an autonomous political entity solely dedicated to food production.
In regards to industrialized production, a farmer’s wife said: ‘The large-scale farmers are producing the same products as the small farmers at a lower price! They are competing with our own!’ Because of industrialized production and import subsidies, cheap food is the slogan of the day. But this ideology – which is often tacit – masks the fact that lower prices for food result in both winners and losers. The winners are people like rich North Americans (and their counterparts in the ‘industrializing’ world), who see it as ‘fashionable to leave half the plate’. At the recent meeting hosted the Agricultural Society of Trinidad and Tobago (ASTT), Vincentian agriculturalist Jethro Greene, president of the Eastern Caribbean Trading and Agriculture Development Organization, made this comment in the same breath that he criticized the ‘mafia food barons’ who control both market accessibility and local demand. Greene countered the ideology of cheap, processed food by stating: ‘We don’t need cheap food! A man said, “Three dollars for a mango! I cannot pay that ! Then he goes down the road and buys a five dollar beer!”’
On a regional level, the state of homegrown food security does not fare much better. Indeed, agriculture has been called ‘the bastard child’ of the Caribbean. Even the fair trade industry perpetuates colonial structures of power, as it is primarily controlled by European institutions and tastes. Green argued that the only way to counteract the ‘few mafia food groups in the [Caribbean] region [who] dominate imports by killing local food production’ is to create vertical linkages between farmers and the processing sector. This would not only allow for the production of what Dennis Pantin calls, ‘replaceable imports’ or manufactures produced with some local ingredients, but would also develop the idea of agriculture as a business, a key conceptual argument that counteracts the idea of the small farmer as backward. Yet, ironically, Greene used the agri-business idea to associate the Caribbean farming community with consumerist values which stem from the ‘modern’ consumerist world:
We are not just poor farmers! We are agri-businessmen and women! … We want to see our farmers driving Mercedes Benzes too! We want them to live in big houses! We want people to recognize farmers like they do bankers! … Young people say there is a stigma with agriculture, but then you see them carrying chemicals on their backs up the hill to grow other things [marijuana]. You know, these youth make a lot of money in agriculture! It is not so backward after all!
The idea of small-scale agriculture as a business may rest uneasily with other values that are not based on the ideal ‘modern’ consumerist society. Such values may let the notion of agriculture as backward in through the back door. One is the Veblenian value of leisure time over work, whose counterpart in T&T is the predominance of ‘liming’. Apart from this enjoyable, though arbitrarily-named, pastime, some have claimed that the hierarchical command systems of the plantation economy have made an indelible mark on the Caribbean psyche in regards to work ethic: ‘Caribbean people are extremely good at avoiding work’. In addition to (and probably accompanying) more recent escalations in levels of crime (both street-level and white collar), many in T&T complain that newer generations are lazier and more materialistic than the Trinibagonians of old: ‘People in this community used to look after each other, there was a sense of community. Now people only look after their pocketbooks’. As in most places of the world, over the past several decades, the middle class in T&T has waned:
There used to be a middle class, and it was not so different from the lower classes. … Now there are all these rich people that make lots of money and everyone wants their share. … People don’t work hard anymore. They are lazy. … people getting into selling drugs or whatever, but only a few people make lots of money with that, the rest stay just the same … But they think they can get rich quick.
The era of what one Trini man called the ‘black businessman’ has now emerged, characterized by a predominance of Big Men who ‘sleep with employees, get TT$50,000 and say, whoa! … And spend it on a car.’ Even community leaders, who are, according to one woman, often indistinguishable from ‘gang’ leaders, spend more money on consumables such as shoes, cars and (some may add) women, than on improving their properties or their children’s education. As elderly Trinis claim, values such as hard work, inventiveness and re-investment in the community do not characterize Trinidad of today. One man in his sixties attributed such changes to shifts in the structure of T&T society after independence, which resulted in a transfer of political emphasis from agriculture to urban works projects:
When independence came and all that crap, [Eric] Williams introduced a make-work program. Agricultural workers left estates and worked for the government on road works. … The work ethic changed. Now people have a gimme, gimme attitude. … My father had 350 acres in Hapio, on which he grew coffee, cocoa, citrus, plantains and bananas. … He had chickens and a pig or two for the family. … After independence, all that went to pot.
Coupled with a proposal for CEPEP (Community-based Environmental Protection and Enhancement Programme) workers to earn more in agriculture than in urban development projects (for which they just ‘cut grass for an hour, then go’) is the drive led by ASTT to mobilize farmers and new generations of agriculturalists. Leading the ‘rum and roti’ politics of ASTT’s National Forum was president Dhano Sookoo, who spoke of a need to look at food production as a sacrifice. Countering the ‘gimme gimme attitude’ of post-independence T&T citizens, Sookoo quoted Kennedy, stating that it is time for farmers to ‘d[o] something for our country rather than our country doing something for us. … the concept of begging must be eliminated, especially in the farming sector!’ But calls to rejuvenate the agriculture sector in T&T by mobilizing workers or by subsidizing food prices need to take into account historical values that have developed due to the prevalence of an imposed ideal: ‘modern’ consumerist society.
Ironically, the wide diversity of Trinibagonian foods may be one instance where people agree on a shared culture. Indeed, ethnic, socioeconomic and geographic tensions in Trinidad are ironed out at least in part in the culinary arena, a seemingly neutral space that has formed over time as a counterpart to Trinidad and Tobago’s historically-open economy. According to a colleague of mine from the Department of Food Production, the idea of a national cuisine emerged during the post-independence era of the 1960s. As a society of immigrants, even so-called national or local foods in T&T stem from a number of continents. At one stop one may find Indonesian, Arabic, Chinese, Creole, Indian, pizza, sandwiches and of course, the ever-present KFC. The geographic variety of prepared foods is matched by a similar array of places from which basic provisions originate. Indeed though dishes such as daalpouri bread, coo coo and roti are identified as local or national, they are mostly made with imported ingredients such as pulses and flour.
The history of food in Trinidad, about which I have much to learn, seems to indicate that the island’s inhabitants have never had to deal with extreme scarcities of foodstuffs. As one Guardian columnist recently noted, the elimination of scarcity and the concomitant rise in GDP are primary factors in defining T&T as a more-developed nation, a status that is not so positive as it sounds since it sometimes precludes the country from receiving certain benefits granted to ‘less-developed’ nations. Moreover, contrary to places like Venezuela, where I have heard that manufactured goods are stocked in supermarkets to appease the electorate before an election, or to geopolitical relationships such as that between the US and ‘hungry’ countries in Africa, basic foods in T&T function less as political tools than as indispensible requisites for preparing foods like peleau rice with chicken.
Unlike Cuba, for example, a collective identity in T&T has not been solidified by a common experience of suffering. As one informant said, ‘We have never had anything to fight for. We’ve always had everything handed to us.’ Though tubers such as dasheen (the leaves of which are often used to make calalloo), cassava and sweet potato continue to be important staples for most people, some regard these as ‘poor foods’ and all classify this type of vegetable as ‘ground provisions’ or simply ‘provisions’. As a prominent Trini woman told me, in 1970s Trinidad, dishes such as calalloo used to be identified with poverty. They are now accepted universally, though I have been told by more than a few Trinis that access to a variety of foodstuffs is more valued in this country than in ‘less-developed’ neighboring countries: ‘Trinidadians want more diversity than other people in the Caribbean. … We are not like Jamaicans who can eat breadfruit in the same way every day’.
There seems to be a clear generational (and likely an ethnic) pattern of consumer preferences in Trinidad. While older people value ‘traditional’ foods such as calalloo and peleau (rice dish), many of the younger generations seem to prefer fast food. As with all shifts in food consumption, however, this probably has as much to do with changes in lifestyle as with shifts in taste or preference. The category ‘fast food’ also includes ‘traditional’ foods such as roti, which leads one to think that there is more to the consumption of fast food than the cultural influence of transnational corporations, particularly the predominance of informal, petty commodity activity in Trinidad. As my elderly neighbors, indicated: ‘The youth eat KFC and the rest. … We do not like this food. Older people do not eat this food.’ Though of Indo-Trini origin, these septenarians like both creole or ‘African’ and curry or ‘Indian’ dishes, their only distinction between the two being that in the first one finds calalloo to be a slimy, wet mixture and in the other one eats bhagi, made from the same collard greens as calalloo but served ‘dry’. They prepare both in the home and rarely eat out.
Though members of the older generation seem to cook at home, younger people eat out more often. As in ‘developed’ countries, a higher budget for food does not correspond with a higher level of nutrients consumed; lettuce is often seen as more sophisticated than the greens used for calalloo and bhaghi, but it is more expensive and less healthy (again, I thank a colleague for this insight). Indeed, Trinidad seems more like the US than its poorer neighbors, especially given the prevalent food manufacturing industry (mostly owned by multinational companies such as Unilever and Nestle) that exists on the island, through which tinned goods as well as values are transferred from the factory to the table. The movement of raw materials and final products is an interesting one and another subject I must pursue as my research in Trinidad slowly progresses. Indeed, it is clear that many ‘Trini’ products are derived from imported raw materials and only manufactured here.
That Trinis often value manufactured goods over fresh local produce was evident from the interviews conducted in a recent editorial in the Guardian entitled ‘Price or Preference’ (Singh, Nadaleen. 20/8/09). While the article consisted of responses from consumers of different income groups, there were similarities in taste and trust. When asked what she buys from the supermarket, for example, one woman said that her luxury items were ‘ice cream, cake and cheesecake’ but that ‘healthy things like cornflakes, oats, raisins and nuts are too expensive.’ International brands were trusted more than Trini brands, especially for some items such as macaroni, canned goods, and cereal, but consumers did not shun cheaper items when it came to more basic foodstuffs such as sugar, rice, flour, and milk (most of which are imported). These comments mirror some of those I have heard in my own conversations. For instance, some informants opt for international brands of beer (i.e. Heineken and Guinness) over Trini brands (Stag, Samba and Carib) because, as they say, ‘The quality of Trini beer is not consistent.’ All these beers are manufactured in Trinidad, however. Imported whisky is valued over national or regional rum (though the most popular brand of scotch, ‘Black and White’ is probably also manufactured here). The reasons people give for preferring whisky or scotch to rum are interesting. While one man told me that ‘rum is only for tourists’, another said that ‘rum is for peasants’. Part of the adversity to rum seems to be related to the high occurrence of diabetes in Trinidad; however, as with other things, it is hard to say whether links between cane alcohol and diabetes are more perceptual than real.
In my limited experience, younger Afro-Trinis prefer supermarkets to local markets. In one informal interview, two young Afro-Trini women told me that they always go to the supermarket or buy fast food because they see the Tunapuna market as ‘dirty’. Others may feel that safety is an issue in local markets where one does not have an employee checking bags before entering. The young women in question regarded produce in the air-conditioned supermarket to be ‘more appealing’, and indeed they are if one judges on esthetic value alone. Even in the Tunapuna market, a place I will return to again and again in my research, imported potatoes, tomatoes, onions and pulses (bought from ‘wholesalers’) look cleaner and more appealing. European supermarket chains have already discovered this, and so blocked the sale of disfigured carrots and potatoes for a time, though now this decision has been reversed. Whether appearance corresponds to taste is perhaps more a matter of perception than actuality, however. It would be interesting to carry out a blind taste test in Trinidad of produce that is available in both local and imported versions, and if anyone reading this plans to do so, please get me involved.
There is a cottage industry in vegetable production (including ‘provisions’ such as tubers) in Trinidad, and it is important to consider how this connects to land distribution on the island in the last two centuries (a study I plan to do). The production of vegetables seems to do better than ‘traditional’ crops for export such as cocoa and coffee, and, of course, local food production is always less dependent on external market conditions. Market produce is also less packaged and, for some at least, more diverse. One Indo-Trinidadian woman in her mid-forties told me that she prefers the market in Tunapuna (and other markets, such as Macoya) over supermarkets because there she can ‘choose what she wants:’ ‘Though I must buy some things at the supermarket, such as rice, flour, packaged goods, sausage … [I] buy pulses, vegetables, fish and cheese at the market’.
Apart from differing ideas about how and where one should buy food, there are also contrasting conceptions of what it means to eat well. But underlying these two issues is a third that relates to the idea of supermarkets and markets as social places. While I have seen many people run into friends at the Hi-Lo supermarket close to the UWI campus, social events that suggest that the supermarket is a place largely dominated by consumer-consumer relations, in the Tunapuna market (as in other local markets), a large part of social interaction occurs between the consumer and the vendor. One may regard the latter to be a somewhat unequal relationship, while friendships between consumers/friends at the supermarket tend to indicate equal playing grounds. Indeed, perhaps it is this very perception that leads vendors and consumers to find ways to reset the balance. When I asked one vendor at the Tunapuna market whether consumers bargained for his produce, he responded, ‘I don’t bargain. … After I weigh it [the produce], I usually put in a bit extra, especially if I know the person. I usually have the same customers every week. … People return to their vendors.’ The personal relationship between vendor and consumer also explains, at least in part, why everyone produces the same thing on Maracas Beach: shark and bake. When I asked her why there were so many people producing and selling the same thing in the same area, an activity that surely contradicts the idea of ‘rational’ economic planning, the proprietor of a shark and bake shack said: ‘It is a tradition. Maracas is known for its shark and bake and we are proud of it. I always have the same people come to my shack.’
As in other places, there is a certain pride in the local production and sale of foodstuffs in Trinidad, even if, as in the case of Maracas, some of the ingredients are not actually produced on the island. For example, I have heard of a market in Charlotte Street, Port of Spain that has existed for several decades despite an increase in crime in the area and urban sprawl, both of which have contributed to the place’s current peripheral status. Apparently, the vendors continue their sales and defend the location of the market because they have established valued relations with their customers. One must not romanticize the social aspects of the informal economy over the economic, however; according to one colleague of mine, farmers who request land from the Ministry of Agriculture sometimes use it for both cocoa and to secretly mine minerals. The squatter problem in Trinidad is comparable (especially in causing landslides and erosion), though I must look into this further. Other market places are peripheral in terms of legality, though they continue to exist. For instance, small produce markets along Trinidadian roads and highways are illegal (it is likely that ambulatory sales of peanuts and peppers by Boba Shanties who weave dangerously in and out of traffic are also), but this does not deter the persistence of informal activity.
Despite the proliferation of informal activity and the value that some people place on the land, food production in Trinidad seems hindered by the lack of infrastructure for the distribution and upkeep of plots of land (e.g. outreach programs), as well as the persistent devaluation of agricultural work, which is led by historical, economic and cultural factors. I cannot begin to analyze the former issue, as I have not yet begun any research into the institutional framework of agriculture in Trinidad. In regards to the latter, one may note that the government of Trinidad and Tobago has done a better job drawing workers to the manufacturing and oil sectors and to state-funded Urban Development Programs (UDPs) than to agriculture. The former types of work not only pay more (sometimes three times as much), but they are more desirable as they require fewer hours in the hot sun. Local views of UDP workers are revealing: ‘People who work for UDP just cut that bit of grass there [weeds on sides of street] and leave at ten in the morning. They do not want to work’; ‘People do not want to work an 8-hour day milking cows, seven days a week … It is different if they are your own cows.’ From these accounts it seems that the issue of food security in Trinidad has as much to do with people’s attitudes towards land and work as with the valuation of ‘modern’ foods. Such values will be the primary focus of my future entries…
Since the experience of acute food scarcities in the early years of the 1990s, food security in Cuba is seen as inseparable from national security. As opposed to the pre-1990s bigger-is-better approach to agriculture in Cuba, which hinged on large-scale units such as state farms and massive amounts of synthetic inputs, food production on the island is now linked to smaller-scale units and low-input technology. The introduction of new forms of property and markets, however, has been countered by a sharp rise in ‘informal’ activity on the ground. These changes in the local agrarian economy have led the Cuban government to re-affirm its commitment to socialist ideas of property, ownership and law.
Despite the very significant paradigmatic shift from mostly industrialized agriculture to a more ecologically-benign strategy (which is not universally applied on the ground), for officials as well as many smallholders, land is still regarded as social property, to be worked and utilized in a collective fashion. It is therefore clear that Cuba is unlike other socialist and post-socialist countries such as China, Vietnam, Russia and Hungary, where the introduction of a Chayanovian or householding approach to food production has led to a simultaneous move away from legal sanctions on petty commodity activity and a drop in cooperative production. Neither has the opening of the Cuban domestic economy to the dollar (1993), the re-opening of farmers’ markets (1994) or the change in productive strategy altered the mostly centralized control of agricultural inputs.
Cuban smallholders are organized by vertical marketing and distributive arrangements, and controlled by state institutions at every geographic level (i.e. council, municipal, provincial, national). Though smallholders do not pay monetary rents, their access to land and other kinds of property, i.e. inputs and support from official institutions, is a right entailed in ownership that must be counterbalanced by two primary obligations. The first is to produce a surplus for the revolution, the second to follow the guidance of techno-scientific ‘experts.’ Given these requirements of land ownership, the idea of property in Cuba may be distinguished from private property in capitalist countries. The most obvious difference is the inalienability of land and its products, or strict legal controls over inheritance and marketing.
According to Debra Evenson, an expert on the Cuban legal system, the 1992 Constitution introduced new limitations on the right to inherit farmland, reducing the number of possible inheritors to immediate family members and stipulating that the inheritor must have worked the land for at least 5 years prior to the family member’s death (previously it had only been 1 year; Evenson 2003: 227-8). Like the inheritance of land by people considered unproductive or ‘lazy,’ the sale of agricultural produce outside official distribution networks is and always has been regarded as a step backwards from the socialist goals of the revolution (with the possible exception of the 1970s when Cuba incorporated market socialism based on the Soviet model). As with the first farmers’ markets (which were shut in 1985 after being open for only five years), prices in the Mercados Agropecuarios (Agricultural and Meat Markets), which re-opened in 1994, are too high for the average consumer, i.e. one papaya or pineapple costs 10 pesos, as much as the average daily salary.
The restriction of private access to the means of production and market sales has consistently led to an increase in personalized exchanges and barter in the black market, through official sources, or simply via the giving and receiving of ‘gifts.’ Some economists, especially those with neoliberal leanings such as Archibald R. M. Ritter, have gone so far as to argue that market restrictions in Cuba have had the opposite effect than those intended:
Ironically, Cuba actually created a nation of entrepreneurs…The nature of Cuba’s planning economy itself has inadvertently promoted widespread entrepreneurial values, attitudes, behaviour, and savoir-faire, as citizens of necessity have had to buy and sell, truck and barter, hustle and “network” to improvise solutions to their personal economic problems. …’ (Ritter 1998: 63).
Yet such ‘entrepreneurship’ in the productive sector does not always mean that Cuban smallholders are rational maximizers of their household economies, as social interests also play a fundamental part in the smallholding economy (this is, however, a topic for another blog entry!).
For Fidel, Raul and most other powerful men in the Cuban government, the national food basket for domestic consumption, like the land on which it is grown, should be treated as social property rather than a means of harnessing profit in the market. Yet for many Cubans, it is becoming increasingly evident that the state distributive system is not providing them with foods recognized as essential, such as milk, which often can only be found at unobtainable prices from ‘abusers’ (abusadores) in the black market. Indeed, on August 5th 1994, hundreds of thousands of Cubans protested on the Malecón, the long sidewalk strip overlooking the Bay of Havana. Theirs was a reaction against extreme scarcities of foodstuffs and the lack of official outlets from which food and other essential items could be purchased at reasonable prices, but also an expression of growing contradictions in the way food and other property is valued in the Cuban legal system.
Bibliography
Evenson, Debra. 2003.
Law and society in contemporary Cuba. The Hague, London: Kluwer Law
International.
Ritter, Archibald R. M. 1998.
‘Entrepreneurship, microenterprise, and public policy in Cuba: promotion, containment, or asphyxiation?’ Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, vol. 40, no. 2 (63-94).
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